The trials we missed, The winners takes all
It's just inches away for former president Soeharto to be a free man. The cabinet has prepared the presidential decree for a full rehabilitation for him and the first president Soekarno as the sweetener. In fact, as reported by Tempointeraktif.com, Attorney General's Office had lifted the overseas travel ban on Soeharto. So, he could get first-class medical treatment overseas very soon. I do agree with Koran Tempo's editorial today that insists a trial for Soeharto and after that the president may issue an abolition or amnesty.
But I do realize that's a daylight dreaming especially with the current political structure, a result of Soeharto's clever moves. Most people still in the believe that Soeharto always pretend to be a sick person whenever prosecutors try to have him stands trial. But even if he's mentally healthy, as I believe that's the case, the power structure has been weak enough to make it happen. And this also applies to those banking criminals. Why?
Soeharto's aides were so clever to endorse the political liberalization aftermath the boss downfall. The reformists blindly campaigned for a full liberalization without ever calculating the impacts on their movements, especially on Soeharto and his cronies. Without limitation on number of political parties entitled to contest the 1999 election, the nation was stunned with almost 45 political parties registered to contest.
The New Order regime smartly invested in establishing political parties, not to resume the power, but mainly to prevent one single party win the election with clear majority votes. The strategy worked pretty well. PDI-P came out as the winner but only with 33% seats in the parliament. Golkar was the second with 20%-something, while others well below 20%. That was the first victory for Soeharto followed by the second when Megawati lost the presidential election to Abdurrahman Wahid. Golkar clearly was behind Wahid's win. Wahid appointed Marzuki Darusman, a Golkar executive, as the Attorney General. The then Golkar chairman Akbar Tanjung won the election of the House Speaker.
On the surface, the new administration led by Wahid and Megawati was seen as a strong coalition of nationalists. Wahid did start the prosecution on Soeharto and named him a suspect with corruption charges. Soeharto didn't show up in the first hearing in August 3, 2000 and missed two consecutive hearings in August 31 and September 14, 2000. Two weeks later, judges rejected the trial and released Soeharto from city arrest status.
Wahid once sent Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (that time as mining and energy minister) to negotiate the return of Soeharto family's wealth (Time magazine once reported the amount) to the state. Soeharto's oldest daughter Siti Hardijanti Rukmana (Mbak Tutut) admitted the meeting with Yudhoyono that time.
But then the coalition broke up with shameful impeachment of Wahid supported immensely by Golkar, PPP, other parties, and most importantly the silent support from Indonesian military.
Megawati replaced Wahid and Hamzah Haz (former minister under BJ Habibie administration, then chairman of PPP) was the elected VP. We had new coalition of PDI-P, Golkar and PPP; plus the military. In such a coalition, Megawati administration was hopeless when it comes to Soeharto's trial. Megawati found a new friend, Akbar Tanjung and his Golkar Party without which she wouldn't survive till the 2004 election. Her administration revived the investigation in June 2002, but Soeharto's medical team managed to stop the trial when they announced Soeharto's permanent brain disorder.
In the 2004 election runoff, politicians 'managed' to impose stricter requirements for political parties which entitled to contest. Megawati lost the election despite formal support from Golkar which came out as the winner of legislative election. Military, despite its out-of-politic claim, was in fact behind Megawati's main contender, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, a retired army general. Megawati tried to boost her popularity with a promise to bring Soeharto to court, but people just didn't buy. Critics on Yudhoyono's partner, Jusuf Kalla (key Golkar figure and businessman), were also ignored. SBY-JK won anonimously the election. Few months in office, Yudhoyono explicitly told public that he would prefer to forget the past and move on with the new chapter. And last year he paid a visit to Soeharto when the former boss was rushed to a hospital. VP Jusuf Kalla and other political figures did the same. They echoed the call to put an end to Soeharto's trial. This week, almost all of the national leaderships join the chorus and this time Soeharto would likely score the biggest victory. Freedom! Rehabilitation! Abolition! Whatever.
Soeharto's crony capitalists have scored their own victories at the time of reform euphoria in the 1998-1999 period. This is the period when Soeharto's loving 'pupil' BJ Habibie lead the transition administration. Habibie's administration signed the famous Master of Settlement and Acquisition Agreement (MSAA) with bank owners who committed banking crimes i.e. the violation of legal lending limit (LLL).
Under the MSAA, Habibie's administration agreed not to bring the bankers to court for their respective crimes as long as they payback the amount of bailout loans. These bankers agreed with condition that they don't have to pay in cash. Government said OK, cash and nearcash or other assets that could be sold.
Salim, the owner of Bank Central Asia (BCA), then paid few trillions of rupiah in cash and shares in 107 companies to pay around 60 trillion debts. Sjamsul Nursalim (Gajah Tunggal) agreed to pay one trillion rupiah in cash and Rp27 trillion in assets. Soeharto's golf buddy Mohammad 'Bob' Hasan and Soeharto's cousin Sudwikatmono also signed the similar MSAAs. Government have sold out almost all of these pledged assets at heavy discounts, some bought by the debtors themselves through special purpose vehicle companies established overseas.
Other bank owners signed different forms of MSAA such as MRNIA or APU, which were basically the same i.e. exchange the freedom with payments of debts. Some says these crony capitalists invested a lot in some political parties to get these agreements, something extremely difficult to proof. And these agreements were the saviour for the banking criminals, bullets proof!
These are the trials that we missed so much. And these supposedly crime suspects are the winners that takes all, including our dream for justice. The least Yudhoyono could do, may be, is telling public his negotiations with Soeharto family during Wahid's administration to return the wealths to the state.
PS: A banker from Switzerland sent greetings to Soeharto. He asked me whether it's true that Soeharto is free to go overseas. Unfortunately he didn't tell me why he raised that particular issue!
But I do realize that's a daylight dreaming especially with the current political structure, a result of Soeharto's clever moves. Most people still in the believe that Soeharto always pretend to be a sick person whenever prosecutors try to have him stands trial. But even if he's mentally healthy, as I believe that's the case, the power structure has been weak enough to make it happen. And this also applies to those banking criminals. Why?
Soeharto's aides were so clever to endorse the political liberalization aftermath the boss downfall. The reformists blindly campaigned for a full liberalization without ever calculating the impacts on their movements, especially on Soeharto and his cronies. Without limitation on number of political parties entitled to contest the 1999 election, the nation was stunned with almost 45 political parties registered to contest.
The New Order regime smartly invested in establishing political parties, not to resume the power, but mainly to prevent one single party win the election with clear majority votes. The strategy worked pretty well. PDI-P came out as the winner but only with 33% seats in the parliament. Golkar was the second with 20%-something, while others well below 20%. That was the first victory for Soeharto followed by the second when Megawati lost the presidential election to Abdurrahman Wahid. Golkar clearly was behind Wahid's win. Wahid appointed Marzuki Darusman, a Golkar executive, as the Attorney General. The then Golkar chairman Akbar Tanjung won the election of the House Speaker.
On the surface, the new administration led by Wahid and Megawati was seen as a strong coalition of nationalists. Wahid did start the prosecution on Soeharto and named him a suspect with corruption charges. Soeharto didn't show up in the first hearing in August 3, 2000 and missed two consecutive hearings in August 31 and September 14, 2000. Two weeks later, judges rejected the trial and released Soeharto from city arrest status.
Wahid once sent Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (that time as mining and energy minister) to negotiate the return of Soeharto family's wealth (Time magazine once reported the amount) to the state. Soeharto's oldest daughter Siti Hardijanti Rukmana (Mbak Tutut) admitted the meeting with Yudhoyono that time.
But then the coalition broke up with shameful impeachment of Wahid supported immensely by Golkar, PPP, other parties, and most importantly the silent support from Indonesian military.
Megawati replaced Wahid and Hamzah Haz (former minister under BJ Habibie administration, then chairman of PPP) was the elected VP. We had new coalition of PDI-P, Golkar and PPP; plus the military. In such a coalition, Megawati administration was hopeless when it comes to Soeharto's trial. Megawati found a new friend, Akbar Tanjung and his Golkar Party without which she wouldn't survive till the 2004 election. Her administration revived the investigation in June 2002, but Soeharto's medical team managed to stop the trial when they announced Soeharto's permanent brain disorder.
In the 2004 election runoff, politicians 'managed' to impose stricter requirements for political parties which entitled to contest. Megawati lost the election despite formal support from Golkar which came out as the winner of legislative election. Military, despite its out-of-politic claim, was in fact behind Megawati's main contender, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, a retired army general. Megawati tried to boost her popularity with a promise to bring Soeharto to court, but people just didn't buy. Critics on Yudhoyono's partner, Jusuf Kalla (key Golkar figure and businessman), were also ignored. SBY-JK won anonimously the election. Few months in office, Yudhoyono explicitly told public that he would prefer to forget the past and move on with the new chapter. And last year he paid a visit to Soeharto when the former boss was rushed to a hospital. VP Jusuf Kalla and other political figures did the same. They echoed the call to put an end to Soeharto's trial. This week, almost all of the national leaderships join the chorus and this time Soeharto would likely score the biggest victory. Freedom! Rehabilitation! Abolition! Whatever.
Soeharto's crony capitalists have scored their own victories at the time of reform euphoria in the 1998-1999 period. This is the period when Soeharto's loving 'pupil' BJ Habibie lead the transition administration. Habibie's administration signed the famous Master of Settlement and Acquisition Agreement (MSAA) with bank owners who committed banking crimes i.e. the violation of legal lending limit (LLL).
Under the MSAA, Habibie's administration agreed not to bring the bankers to court for their respective crimes as long as they payback the amount of bailout loans. These bankers agreed with condition that they don't have to pay in cash. Government said OK, cash and nearcash or other assets that could be sold.
Salim, the owner of Bank Central Asia (BCA), then paid few trillions of rupiah in cash and shares in 107 companies to pay around 60 trillion debts. Sjamsul Nursalim (Gajah Tunggal) agreed to pay one trillion rupiah in cash and Rp27 trillion in assets. Soeharto's golf buddy Mohammad 'Bob' Hasan and Soeharto's cousin Sudwikatmono also signed the similar MSAAs. Government have sold out almost all of these pledged assets at heavy discounts, some bought by the debtors themselves through special purpose vehicle companies established overseas.
Other bank owners signed different forms of MSAA such as MRNIA or APU, which were basically the same i.e. exchange the freedom with payments of debts. Some says these crony capitalists invested a lot in some political parties to get these agreements, something extremely difficult to proof. And these agreements were the saviour for the banking criminals, bullets proof!
These are the trials that we missed so much. And these supposedly crime suspects are the winners that takes all, including our dream for justice. The least Yudhoyono could do, may be, is telling public his negotiations with Soeharto family during Wahid's administration to return the wealths to the state.
PS: A banker from Switzerland sent greetings to Soeharto. He asked me whether it's true that Soeharto is free to go overseas. Unfortunately he didn't tell me why he raised that particular issue!
Labels: BCA, HABIBIE Inc, Nursalim, President SBY, Salim, SOEHARTO Inc
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posted by yosef at 11:13 PM
1 Comments:
Have you heard that Soeharto is actually not sick at all but was administered a dose of somekind of medicine to make him look sicker than he actually is ?
It would be interested to talk to RSPP (Rumah Sakit Pertamina) people.
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